Introduction: Simulated Sovereignty

On the geopolitical map of Latin America, Venezuela appears delimited by its historical borders, with its own flag, anthem, and seat at the United Nations. However, a forensic analysis of its power structure, economic flows, and intelligence apparatus reveals a much darker reality: Venezuela has ceased to be a sovereign nation and has become the most successful colonial experiment of the 21st century. It was not an invasion with tanks or aerial bombardments; it was a silent, ideological, and operational conquest orchestrated from Havana.

The thesis of this article is clear: the Miraflores Palace in Caracas is not the seat of Venezuelan executive power, but an administrative branch of the Palace of the Revolution in Cuba. Nicolás Maduro was not an autonomous dictator, but a viceroy, and the dismantling of superficial Chavismo does not guarantee Venezuela's freedom if the Cuban root controlling the State’s nervous system is not excised.

Chapter I: Fidel’s Historical Obsession (From Machurucuto to Miraflores)

To understand Venezuela’s current submission, one must go back to the 1960s. Fidel Castro, recently enthroned in Cuba, quickly understood that his island revolution was economically inviable without an external subsidy. The Soviet Union was a distant lifeline, but Venezuela, with its immense oil reserves, was the geographic and energetic "jewel in the crown."

In 1967, this ambition materialized in the Machurucuto Incident, a failed military invasion attempt where Cuban and Venezuelan guerrillas landed on the shores of Miranda. The National Armed Forces of Venezuela, then a democratic institution, repelled the attack. Fidel Castro learned a crucial lesson that day: Venezuela could not be taken by force of arms; it had to be taken from within.

The strategy shifted from military confrontation to political infiltration. For decades, Havana cultivated discontented officers and leftist leaders, waiting for the opportune moment. That moment arrived with Hugo Chávez. What bullets failed to achieve in the 60s, ideological seduction and political cunning achieved in the late 90s.

Chapter II: Nicolás Maduro, the Candidate

If Hugo Chávez was the gateway for the Cubans, Nicolás Maduro was the insurance policy. Often underestimated by his opponents as a simple bus driver, Maduro’s profile reveals a preparation designed specifically for the role of subjugation he played.

In his youth, Maduro was not just a union leader; he was trained at the School of Political Formation in Havana. There, under the tutelage of the Communist Party of Cuba, he was not taught public management or economics, but ideological loyalty, counterintelligence, and the methods of Castrista social control.

When Chávez fell ill, the decision to name Maduro as his successor was not a whim of the dying leader, but a strategic imposition by Havana. The Castros distrusted the Venezuelan nationalist military (such as Diosdado Cabello), who might have had temptations of autonomy. Maduro, on the other hand, was "one of them." His training on the island guaranteed that, in the face of a crisis, his first call would not be to the Venezuelan High Command, but to the Cuban G2.

Chapter III: Institutionalized Looting and the Parasitic Economy

The economic relationship between both countries is not one of bilateral trade, but of colonial extraction. During the oil boom, Venezuela transferred billions of dollars to Cuba under the façade of "exchange of services."

While Venezuelan hospitals lacked basic supplies and the electrical infrastructure collapsed, 100,000 barrels of oil were sent daily to the island. In exchange, Cuba sent "missions": doctors, sports trainers, and, crucially, security advisors.

This scheme allowed Cuba to resell Venezuelan oil on the international market, obtaining hard currency while Venezuela sank into hyperinflation. The Venezuelan economy was deliberately dismantled to create a society dependent on CLAP boxes and state bonuses, replicating the Cuban ration book model: social control through hunger.

Chapter IV: The Apparatus of Repression: The G2 and Scientific Torture

The most sinister aspect of this colonization is the reengineering of the Venezuelan Armed Forces and intelligence services. Simon Bolívar’s military doctrine was replaced by the Cuban "War of the Whole People" doctrine.

The true brain behind the repression in Venezuela is not within the SEBIN (Bolivarian Intelligence Service), but in the Cuban G2. Cuban officers operate within the DGCIM (General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence), supervising interrogations and internal purges. They introduced methods of "scientific torture" to break the will of dissidents without leaving visible marks, or leaving them as a message of terror.

The Myth of Military Sovereignty:

A flagrant example of this occupation is the dictator's personal security. It has been consistently demonstrated that Nicolás Maduro’s first security ring—the praetorian guard charged with his life—was not composed of Venezuelans, but of elite Cuban agents.

This responds to classic colonial logic: the viceroy does not trust the locals. In the extraction of Maduro that took place on January 3, 2026 (an operation by US Delta Force special operations), it was assumed that a Venezuelan soldier might hesitate or betray Maduro out of love for his country. A Cuban agent, however, answers only to Havana. His mission was to protect the asset (Maduro) or silence him if he became a risk to the island.

Chapter V: Organized Crime as State Policy (The Cartel of the Suns and the Tren de Aragua)

Cuba, an expert in asymmetric warfare, understood that to maintain control of Venezuela and destabilize the region, it needed something more than ideology: it needed crime.

1. The Cartel of the Suns: Under the complacent gaze of Cuban intelligence, the Venezuelan military leadership was allowed to transform into a drug trafficking organization. This served a dual function: it enriched the generals to ensure their loyalty to the revolution (buying their consciences) and used drugs as a weapon against the United States and Europe. Cuba participates in and facilitates the political logistics and intelligence for it to operate.

2. The Tren of Aragua: The expansion of this criminal mega-gang throughout the continent is no coincidence. Security analysts suggest that the regime uses these gangs as tools of "hybrid warfare." Exporting criminality generates chaos in neighboring countries (such as Chile, Peru, or Colombia), diverting attention from the Venezuelan crisis and destabilizing governments hostile to the São Paulo Forum. It is the export of chaos, intellectually designed in the intelligence laboratories of the G2.

Chapter VI: The Danger of the "Hydra": Why Removing Maduro Is Not Enough

Here lies the most critical point for the future of Venezuela. There is a naive belief that the "fall of Maduro" equates to the liberation of Venezuela. This is a fatal miscalculation.

Venezuela functions today under a system of occupation where the State’s "software" (identification, civil registries, notary offices, electoral systems, and intelligence databases) is managed by Cuban companies and technicians.

Nicolás Maduro was removed but the structure of Cuban advisors, the G2, and Venezuelan officers compromised with Havana remained in their posts, the system will simply regenerate a new head. Chavismo is the host, but Castrismo is the parasite controlling the brain.

The real chain of command is not vertical within Venezuela; it is transversal toward Cuba. A Venezuelan general fears a report from a Cuban "advisor" more than an order from his Venezuelan superior.

Chapter VII: Military Intervention in Cuba: Imperative to Liberate the Continent from Narcoterrorism and Communism

The foregoing suggests that, to eradicate narcoterrorism in the Americas, it is indispensable to execute a direct military intervention against the communist regime in Cuba. This strategy could begin with the extraction of the Castrista ringleaders—following the precedent of Nicolás Maduro—to pave the way for the establishment of a democratic system on the island.

It is naive to assume that the collapse of Chavismo in Venezuela will provoke the automatic fall of communism in Cuba. History demonstrates the contrary: following the collapse of the Soviet bloc in the 90s, the regime in Havana managed to perpetuate itself through brutal repression. Said dictatorship has proven capable of surviving the worst crises, deploying levels of sadism and social control that escape the comprehension of the common citizen.

From the author's perspective, the restitution of the Monroe Doctrine by the United States government represents a lifeline for the democracies of the hemisphere. Although its original premise read "America for the Americans," today it must be reinterpreted under the maxim: "America for democracies, not for communism."

Conclusion: The Need for a Second Independence in Venezuela and Freedom in Cuba

The Venezuelan tragedy is not just a humanitarian crisis or a corrupt dictatorship; it is a case of lost national sovereignty to a foreign power that is much smaller and poorer, but infinitely more astute in the art of power.

Havana has achieved with Venezuela what no empire achieved in modern history: colonizing a richer and larger country without firing a single missile, using democracy to destroy it from within and using the victim's own resources to finance its occupation.

Any solution for Venezuela that does not contemplate the total expulsion of the Cuban intelligence and military apparatus is a cosmetic solution. Venezuela's freedom depends not only on free elections or changes of president, but on a process of decolonization. Until the cable connecting Miraflores to Havana is cut, Venezuela will tragically remain the Castros' most lucrative colony.

To achieve these objectives, it is imperative to intervene militarily in Cuba and eradicate the most perverse regime that has existed in the region. This step is the only way to purge the Americas of the communist and narcoterrorist threat.